Tuesday, September 14, 2010

Bush Tax cuts not recommended by CBO

A guide to the fight over the 'Bush tax cuts'

U.S. President Barack Obama answers questions from residents and small business owners in yard of a residential house in Fairfax, VirginiaReuters – U.S. President Barack Obama answers questions from residents and small business owners in yard of a residential …

By WILLIAM GALE and BENJAMIN HARRIS
Special to Yahoo! News

The already heated fight over the so-called Bush tax cuts, which are set to expire at the end of this year, ratcheted up another notch on Monday. The White House and a host of influential Congress members staked out competing positions on the issue that is likely to dominate the debate over the economy from now until the November midterm elections.

The standoff amounts to a game of political chicken, but it also raises questions about what is best for pulling the country out of the recession, chipping away at unemployment and paying down the deficit.

In comments at a backyard town hall in a Northern Virginia suburb, President Obama delivered another pointed defense of his plan to extend the cuts for middle class and working families, while letting others — specifically the cuts for high-income earners — come to an end.

"We could get [tax cuts] done this week, but we're still in this wrestling match with John Boehner and Mitch McConnell about the last 2 to 3 percent" of upper-income taxpayers, Obama said.

Up on Capitol Hill, a spokesman for McConnell, the Senate GOP leader, said that every Senate Republican has pledged to oppose Obama's plan.

"Only in Washington could someone propose a tax hike as an antidote to a recession," McConnell, R-Ky., said.

Neither man, however, has the full support of his party, as politicians on both sides of the aisle worry about how the issue will play out with recession-weary voters.

McConnell’s comments came one day after House Minority Leader Boehner (R-Ohio) said he would support renewing tax cuts for the middle class but not the wealthy if that was his only choice.

Meanwhile, Politico reported Monday that some Democrats are now pressuring Speaker Nancy Pelosi to extend the cuts for all brackets, another indication that the debate is causing a rift between the party’s vulnerable moderates and safe liberals. And the Associate Press reported that Senate Democrats such as Kent Conrad of North Dakota, Evan Bayh of Indiana and Ben Nelson of Nebraska are siding with Republicans against raising taxes on anyone during a fragile economic recovery.

Just what are the cuts being debated? Here’s a brief guide to the issue.

What are the Bush tax cuts?

The cuts in question are tax changes that were enacted during the Bush administration that dramatically cut income and estate tax rates and revenues. The key bills were passed in 2001 and 2003.

The 2001 tax package was especially sweeping. Its two most prominent changes were a cut in individualincome tax rates and a phase-out -- and one-year repeal -- of the estate tax. The top rate for taxpayers in the highest bracket dropped from 39.6% to 35%, while the rate for the next bracket down fell from 36% to 33%.

The 2003 tax cut reduced the income tax rates applied to long-term capital gains and dividends. Prior to 2003, long-term capital gains were taxed at 20 percent, and dividends were taxed at regular income tax rates. The 2003 legislation dropped the rate on most long-term capital gains and dividends to 15 percent.


Why is this happening now?

If Congress doesn’t extend the cuts, most households will see their taxes go up in 2011. Rates will automatically snap back to those in effect before the cuts were passed.

The reason: Congressional budget rules make permanent tax cuts that are not paid for by spending reductions or other tax increases difficult to pass. Because of these rules, the Bush administration and Congress were forced to pass "temporary" tax cuts and schedule them to expire at the end of 2010.

The timing of the tax cuts’ expiration creates a challenge for Congress and the Obama administration. Policymakers must weigh the potential short-term consequence of derailing a fragile economic recovery against the pitfalls of extending costly tax cuts that contribute to increasing budget deficits. And two months before an election, no politician relishes telling voters that taxes must go up.

What are the alternatives?

Alternatives to a full extension of the tax cuts have received substantial attention. President Obama has called for extension of the cuts on income below certain thresholds: $200,000 for single taxpayers and $250,000 for married taxpayers but ending them for higher income levels.

Former Obama administration budget director Peter Orszag recently endorsed extending the Bush tax cutsfor both middle-income taxpayers and the wealthy for two years, if that's what's necessary to get a deal in Congress. But he argued they should then be phased out for everyone once the economy improves. Orszag’s reasoning was that temporary extension of the tax cuts would keep the economy humming during the recovery, but that a more permanent extension of the tax cuts — even if limited to middle-income households — was simply unaffordable because of the impact on the deficit.

This concern has been echoed by other prominent economists. Martin Feldstein, a senior adviser to the Reagan administration, also supports allowing the tax cuts to expire after a two-year extension. Alan Greenspan, former chairman of the Federal Reserve, called an extension of the Bush tax cuts without corresponding spending reductions “disastrous.”

This perspective differs sharply from that of some congressional leaders, such as Boehner and McConnell, who support the permanent extension of the tax cuts. Boehner, however, appears to have stated that he would support the president's plan over the alternative of not extending the tax cuts at all, though the interpretation of what he meant is still up in the air.

Can we afford to keep the tax cuts in place? What would each cost?

The 2001 and 2003 tax cuts are quite expensive in terms of lost revenue. Extending the lower tax rates on income would cost about $1.6 trillion over 10 years. A host of other measures that were part of the legislation — a higher exemption for married couples, the extension of the estate tax cuts at the 2009 level, the lower rates on capital gains and dividends, and a higher Child Tax Credit — would result in a revenue loss of about $300 billion each over the next decade.

Combined, extending the Bush tax cuts would cost about $3 trillion over 10 years; limiting the tax cuts to middle-income households would lower this cost by about $700 billion. Either way, that total would be added to the deficit.

Since the federal government is projected to run budget deficits throughout the remainder of the decade, extending these cuts means borrowing more to pay for existing government services. Some economists already are concerned that the debt level is so high that it could lead to a catastrophic outcome.

But isn’t it bad to raise taxes in a recession?

If stimulating the economy is the goal, there are more effective ways of doing so. Extending all of the Bush tax cuts would have a small bang for the buck in terms of stimulus, the equivalent of a 10- to 40-cent increase in Gross Domestic Product for every dollar spent, according to the Congressional Budget Office. Why? As the CBO notes, most Bush-tax-cut dollars go to higher-income households, and these top earners don't spend as much of their income as lower earners.

The CBO recently examined 11 potential stimulus policies; of those, extending all of the Bush tax cuts tied for the lowest bang for the buck. Letting the high-income tax cuts expire and using the money for aid to the states, extending unemployment insurance benefits, and tax credits that aid job creation all scored higher. Dollar for dollar, each of these measures would have about three times the impact on GDP as continuing the Bush tax cuts.

Will raising the top tax rates hurt small business?

One of the most common objections to letting the cuts expire for those in the highest tax brackets is that it would hurt small businesses. Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) recently said that allowing the cuts to lapse would amount to "a job-killing tax hike on small business during tough economic times."

This claim is debatable. Less than 3 percent of tax returns reporting small-business income are filed by taxpayers who fit Obama’s definition of a “high-income” taxpayer.

According to the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, small-business income makes up a majority of the income for about 40 percent of households in the top bracket and a third of households in the second-highest bracket. Based on this analysis, if the objective is to help small businesses, continuing the Bush tax cuts on high-income taxpayers isn't the way to go.

Moreover, much small-business income is taxed at low or zero rates right now. Small business also fully deduct wage payments, so a higher tax rate should not impact their choice of hiring people.

What’s going to happen?

The next few weeks will be marked by political maneuvering, as members of Congress and the administration keep one eye on the upcoming elections and the other eye on the economy. Gridlock is one possible outcome, with a decision not coming until a post-election session. Neither side wants to be seen as adding to the deficit, nor do they want to be blamed for everybody’s taxes going up — especially the taxes paid by the middle class.

William Gale is a senior fellow and expert on tax policy and fiscal issues at the Brookings Institution, and Benjamin Harris is a senior research associate in economic studies at Brookings.

Monday, September 13, 2010

Why All Elections Matter

Chart: Why (all) elections matter




@

MaddowFactchecker writes on Reddit
:

I saw this chart (http://voices.washingtonpost.com/ezra-klein/bartelschart.gif) about the growth of income disparity on Rachel Maddow Friday night and became a little suspicious since the chart was based only on the President in power's party. I decided to do some research and see what the numbers show based on who controls the House and Senate as well.

In short, the chart we animated last week more than passes inspection. The rest -- including sources and links -- you can get from @MaddowFactchecker. It's well worth the look.

Saturday, September 11, 2010

Reagan a RINO?

Taxes: What People Forget About Reagan

by Jeanne Sahadi
Friday, September 10, 2010
click here for article

taxes.gif

Those who oppose higher taxes and are fed up with record levels of U.S. debt may pine for Ronald Reagan, the patron saint of lower taxes and smaller government.

But it's worth considering just what Reagan did -- and didn't do -- as lawmakers grapple with many of the same issues that their 1980s counterparts faced: a deep recession, high deficits and a rip-roaring political divide over taxes.

Soon after taking office in 1981, Reagan signed into law one of the largest tax cuts in the postwar period.


That legislation -- phased in over three years -- pushed through a 23% across-the-board cut of individual income tax rates. It also called for tax brackets, the standard deduction and personal exemptions to be adjusted for inflation starting in 1984. That would reduce "bracket creep" since the high inflation of the 1970s and early 1980s meant incomes rose very fast, pushing taxpayers into ever higher brackets even though the real value of their income hadn't changed.

The 1981 bill also made certain business deductions more generous.

In 1986, Reagan lowered individual income tax rates again, this time in landmark tax reform legislation.

As a result of the 1981 and 1986 bills, the top income tax rate was slashed from 70% to 28%.

Despite the aggressive tax cutting, Reagan couldn't ignore the budget deficit, which was burgeoning.

After Reagan's first year in office, the annual deficit was 2.6% of gross domestic product. But it hit a high of 6% in 1983, stayed in the 5% range for the next three years, and fell to 3.1% by 1988. (By comparison, this year it's projected to be 9% but is expected to drop considerably thereafter.)

So, despite his public opposition to higher taxes, Reagan ended up signing off on several measures intended to raise more revenue.

"Reagan was certainly a tax cutter legislatively, emotionally and ideologically. But for a variety of political reasons, it was hard for him to ignore the cost of his tax cuts," said tax historian Joseph Thorndike.

Two bills passed in 1982 and 1984 together "constituted the biggest tax increase ever enacted during peacetime," Thorndike said.


The bills didn't raise more revenue by hiking individual income tax rates though. Instead they did it largely through making it tougher to evade taxes, and through "base broadening" -- that is, reducing various federal tax breaks and closing tax loopholes.

For instance, more asset sales became taxable and tax-advantaged contributions and benefits under pension plans were further limited.

"What people forget about Ronald Reagan was that he very much converted to base broadening as a means of reducing deficits and as a means of tax reform," said Eugene Steuerle, an Institute Fellow at the Urban Institute who had helped lay the groundwork for tax reform in 1986 and served as a deputy assistant Treasury secretary during Reagan's second term.

There were other notable tax increases under Reagan.

In 1983, for example, he signed off on Social Security reform legislation that, among other things, accelerated an increase in the payroll tax rate, required that higher-income beneficiaries pay income tax on part of their benefits, and required the self-employed to pay the full payroll tax rate, rather than just the portion normally paid by employees.

The tax reform of 1986, meanwhile, wasn't designed to increase federal tax revenue. But that didn't mean that no one's taxes went up. Because the reform bill eliminated or reduced many tax breaks and shelters, high-income tax filers who previously paid little ended up with bigger tax bills.

"Some of these taxpayers were substantial contributors to the Republican Party and to the president's re-election campaign, and had direct access to the White House. Reagan rebuffed their pleas," wrote J. Roger Mentz, the Treasury assistant secretary for tax policy in 1986, in a Tax Notes commentary last year.


All told, the tax increases Reagan approved ended up canceling out much of the reduction in tax revenue that resulted from his 1981 legislation.

Annual federal tax receipts during his presidency averaged 18.2% of GDP, a smidge below the average under President Carter -- and a smidge above the 40-year average today.

How might Reagan fare today?

Reagan's behavior might not pass muster with those voters today who insist their Congressmen treat every proposed tax increase as poisonous to the republic.

"By today's standards, the Gipper would easily qualify for status as a back-stabbing, treacherous RINO [Republican in Name Only]," wrote Tax Analysts contributing editor Martin Sullivan, in an article for Tax Notes in May.

Thanks in part to the increases in defense spending during his administration, Reagan also didn't really reduce the size of government. Annual spending averaged 22.4% of GDP on his watch, which is above today's 40-year average of 20.7%, and above the 20.8% average under Carter.

Indeed, in one very symbolic respect he enlarged it. While in the early years of his presidency Reagan tried to shrink the IRS, by the end, the number of IRS employees hit an all-time high, according to Steuerle in his book Contemporary U.S. Tax Policy.

The reason was two-fold, Steuerle said. The first was a desire to crack down on the proliferation of tax shelters. But the point of cracking down was to boost tax revenue. That, in turn, could reduce the need to impose other tax increases to combat budget deficits.

A Visual Guide to Income Equality

Article Here from SLATE

Did the United States grow more unequal while Republicans were in power? It sounds crude, but Princeton political scientist Larry Bartels has gone a long way toward proving it. Bartels looked up income growth rates for families at various income percentiles for the years 1948 to 2005, then cross-checked these with whether the president was a Republican or a Democrat. He found two distinct and opposite trends. Under Democrats, the biggest income gains were for people in the bottom 20th income percentile (2.6 percent). The income gains grew progressively smaller further up the income scale (2.5 percent for the 40thand 60th percentiles, 2.4 percent for the 80thpercentile, and so on). But under Republicans, the biggest income gains were for people in the 95thpercentile (1.9 percent). The income gains grew progressively smaller further down the income scale (1.4 percent for the 80th percentile, 1.1 for the 60th percentile, etc.).

Two other observations are worth making:

1) In all income categories except the 95th percentile, income growth rates under Democratic presidents exceeded income growth rates under Republican ones. That suggests greater income equality can coexist with (or even help create) greater prosperity.

2) The 95th percentile fared about the same under Democrats and Republicans. (This chart shows it doing slightly better under Democrats, but the margin of error erases the Democrats' advantage.) Bartels' party-based interpretation of income inequality can't address the Great Divergence, Part 2—the stratospheric rise in incomes at the very top—because for this group, it doesn't matter much whether a Democrat or a Republican inhabits the White House. Political scientists Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson, of Yale and Berkeley, respectively, argue that the apparently nonpartisan solicitude Democrats and Republicans express toward the rich is the result of a massive increase in Washington's corporate lobbying sector since the 1970s—and that the growing power of big business in Washington has been a major contributor to the Great Divergence.